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Allan Saldanha

How to double your donation to AMF

As someone fortunate enough to have never wanted for anything all my life, I've always struggled with the degree of absolute poverty of so many people in the developing world. The world bank's poverty line is just $1.25 a day (adjusted for purchasing power that too), but there are still an estimated 600 million people below this line.

I've often made donations to charities targeting poverty like water aid, but I knew that I should be donating more, and was also keen unsure as to the impact of my donations. I then read about Toby Ord and Giving What We Can in the papers, and was really impressed with both the clear thinking behind the concept and the generosity of Toby and the other members. I had always looked for charities with low administration costs but Giving What We Can showed me that it is obviously the outcomes that are achieved that matter, and that a charity may need to spend money on distribution and monitoring of its projects to achieve the most good. Most importantly, Giving What We Can and other charity evaluators quantify the health benefits of donations using QALYs, which showed me how much my money could achieve. The fact that donations to AMF save a healthy life for just $2,300 puts it into perspective for me. The saying from the Talmud that 'whoever saves one life saves the whole world' encapsulates for me the value of life because as a parent I know that my children mean the world to me. As an investment banker who earns well above the national average, I find it inspiring that so many people on lower salaries than me are so generous with money and time, so I decided to take the pledge.

I am also very keen on match fundraising. Not only does it increase the amount of money raised, it also involves collaborating with other people and psychologically makes people feel better about the money they donate. To that end- I've set up the matching page below on AMF where I match any donations raised up to a total of £2500 (i.e. to raise a total of £5000). So please donate and make twice as much of a difference- many thanks for your generosity.

http://www.AgainstMalaria.com/DoubleYourDonation

Jacob Williamson

Child marriage: Why does it happen and what can we do?

Over the past two weeks I have interned at Giving What We Can and conducted research on the problem of child marriage. This blog post offers a summary of 

, detailing my main findings and overall impression of the problem. I focus on child marriage’s destructive effects and some promising interventions.

An estimated ten [1] to fourteen [2] million girls - females aged under eighteen - are newly married each year. According to estimates by the United Nations Population Fund, by 2021 there will be over fifteen million newly married girls each year [3] Child marriage is a leading impediment to achieving six out of eight 

Child marriage is clearly complex, but we can understand the two main causes in terms of economics and culture. Giovanna Lauro and Margaret E. Greene explain:

In low-income families, the lack of economic alternatives contributes to the practice, as marriage to an older man may be seen as bringing economic security – for the girl and sometimes for her entire family. […] In a broader sense, the acceptance of marrying a girl as a child is part of a cluster of social norms and attitudes that do not value the human rights of girls [5].

 of Girls Not Brides insists that child marriage is the key to addressing a whole cluster of issues, from education, maternal death and infant mortality to the spread of HIV, gender inequality and poverty [6]. And the evidence backs her up.

For instance, a twenty-nine country study on the effects of child marriage on education found that:

[A] woman's age at first marriage is positively related to her total years of schooling; in all 29 countries, women who married when they were 18 or older had more education than those who married at a younger age. The starkest difference was in Nigeria, where women who were at least 18 when they married achieved, on average, 9.3 years of schooling, while those who married before they were 18 remained in school for only 2.5 years [7].

By abruptly ending a girl’s education, child marriage also increases child mortality rates. A cross-national study showed that:

In 9 countries the highest rates [of child mortality] occurred among mothers with no education. […] Education of mother, followed by education of her husband and his occupation were generally the strongest explanatory variables [8].

A further major cross-national study estimated the impact of education on fertility, estimating that "doubling female secondary school enrollment (from 19 to 38 percent) in 1975 would have reduced the total fertility rate in 1985 from 5.3 to 3.9." [9].

Education also makes girls "considerably less likely to die in childbirth and thereby orphan their children with deleterious consequences." [10].

Child marriage’s bad economic effects through ending education is similarly well-established [11]. Strong evidence also exists concerning its impact on domestic and sexual violence [12], child welfare [13] and women’s political activity [14].

Fortunately, effective interventions to prevent child marriage do exist.

For instance, programs that empower girls with information, skills and support networks to enable self-advocacy are promising [15]. An Ethiopian program called 

 did this, and participants were nearly three times more likely to be in school than non-program participants, and were 90 percent less likely to be married [16].

Also promising are programs that provide economic support and incentives to girls and their families to keep them in education rather than marrying early. The 

 tried this approach, and participants were 40 percent less likely to marry after one year than girls in the control group [17]. This intervention is particularly interesting because it is simple and scalable.

Less fortunately, I have been unable to identify any promising charities that work in this area. One reason for this is that child marriage is worked on primarily by private foundations such as Nike and Ford, and states like India.

. These projects empower girls with information and skills to enable self-advocacy. In this respect they resemble the successful 

 program. However, none of the projects involve the conditional cash transfers which were found to be promising. It is also unclear how transparent the programs are, whether they track their effectiveness and whether they do more than only indicate how donations could be spent.

Still, it seems that child marriage as a cause overcomes two out of three hurdles. The problem is certainly significant enough, and effective interventions exist. If good charities working to prevent child marriage can be found, such charities should be taken seriously as giving opportunities for now or in the future.

Marry me later: Preventing child marriage and early pregnancy in India

Ending child marriage in a generation: What research is needed?

Solutions to End Child Marriage: What the Evidence Shows

Santhya, K. G. and Annabel Erulkar. 2007. ‘

Supporting Married Girls: Calling Attention to a Neglected Group

United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), 2012. "

Lauro, Giovanna; Margaret E. Greene. 2013. "

The girl effect: The ripple effect of ending child marriage.

Protecting Young Women from HIV/AIDS: The Case Against Child and Adolescent Marriage,

’ International Family Planning Perspectives 32(2): 79-88.

Hobcraft, J.N., J.W. McDonald and S.O. Rutstein. 1984. 

Socioeconomic factors in infant and child mortality: a cross-national comparison.

" Economic Development and Cultural Change 44 (1): 105–28.

Chaaban, Jad and Wendy Cunningham, 2011. ‘

Measuring the Economic Gain of Investing in Girls: the girl effect dividend

Early Marriage, Marital Relations and Intimate Partner Violence in Ethiopia

International Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health

 39(1) (March): 6-13; Santhya, K., Ram,U., Acharya, R., Jejeebhoy, S., Ram, F., & Singh, A. 2010. 

Associations Between Early Marriage and Young Women's Marital and Reproductive Health Outcomes: Evidence from India

. International Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 36(3), 132-139. New York, NY: Population Council.

Bicego, George T., and J. Ties Boerma. 1993. "

Maternal Education and Child Survival: A Comparative Study of Survey Data from 17 Countries.

Girls Count: A Global Investment and Action Agenda

My categories are from the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) & Girls Not Brides, 2013. "

Solutions to end child marriage: summary of the evidence

Parmeet Shah

Difficult decisions: How I'm using my life to help others

I studied some philosophy at university, and first came across Peter Singer’s work there. I’d always wanted to work out what the point of life was, and how I could help the world, so these ideas naturally resonated with me.

I’ve always felt a little confused about what I should be doing. My family owns a large real estate business in India called Marathon Realty, so I’d assumed for most of my life that I would go into business. But I was also concerned about whether this was the best way to make a difference and help other people. When I spoke to 80,000 hours, Giving What We Can’s sister organisation, I learned about the prospective impact I could have by becoming a businessman and donating a lot to charity, which did a lot to reassure me in my choice of joining my family’s company.

I’m currently doing a masters in real estate development in the US, but will move permantly back to India in June to take over the family business. In the long term, I’d like to start up my own charity, preferably fighting depression, the area in which I’m most interested. Until I do that I will be donating to the charities Giving What We Can recommends. I am donating 50% of my income to charity, and I feel motivated by the thought that what I spend beyond basic necessities can save many lives if I gave it away.

Peter Hurford

Where do the extremely poor work?

About 50% of the poor living in Indonesia, 72% in Cote d’Ivoire, 84% in Guatemala, and 94% in Udaipur report working multiple jobs in order to get their income -- typically one agricultural and one non-agricultural, though not always.

Most non-agricultural jobs involve self-employment as a business owner. Typically, a member of the poor household will migrate (about 60% of families), leaving for a median of one month to find employment in a nearby city. Others will perform a job earlier in the day, like selling food, and then go out and perform another job, like selling textiles, collect trash, or general labor.

Generally these entrepreneurial jobs done by the poor do not require skills. In Hyderabad, jobs of the poor breakdown to 17% general stores, 11% tailors, 8% fruit and vegetable sellers, 6.6% telephone booth operators, 6.3% milk sellers, and 4.3% auto owners. Of these, only tailoring requires a specialized skill that takes awhile to acquire.

Additionally, about 76% of the poor report at least one member of their household working for a public employment program. Many governments provide safety-net “food for work” programs, which entitle some days of physical labor under government employment at a pre-announced, low wage. Unfortunately, this kind of work is rare and is often given out in a way that discriminates against the poor.

Another interesting question is how the poor would spend additional money, if they got it. GiveDirectly, by giving cash transfers in $1000 chunks, has been able to find out. An informal survey conducted by them and shared with GiveWell found that 67% of the money spent went into home improvement (replacing a thatched roof with an iron-sheet roof), 9% went to other (like school uniforms or a motorcycle), 9% went to livestock, and 4% went to food. However, this survey was only in Kenya, and other areas might spend differently.

Typically, the poor don’t actually have access to a safe place to save money at a reasonable rate of return. Only 14% of poor households have a savings account (with the exception of Cote d’Ivoire, where the number is 79%). Even stashing cash in a pillow or a home doesn’t work well because of high inflation and rates of theft. Additionally, the poor, like everyone else, have problems resisting the temptation to spend money they have at hand, both when family members demand access to it, or when given the option to buy the same indulgences people in developed countries struggle to resist.

There also is little access to insurance. Less than 6% of the poor have access to any kind of health insurance. Generally, insurance is instead provided through friends and relatives as a type of loan exchange -- 75% of poor households report making loans, 65% report borrowing money, and 50% report both. The most common form of “insurance” to handle economic stress is eating less, taking children out of school, and foregoing medical treatment.

This lack of insurance or saving leads the poor to under-invest because they cannot accumulate financial assets, or afford to take risks. Poor families do not specialize in skills and they operate their businesses at a remarkably small scale. Poor families have access to very limited markets and infrastructure and suffer from a lack of access to credit.

What do the extremely poor buy?

, I explained about the living habits of the extremely poor.

One might expect that an extremely poor person is working as hard as they can just to survive, putting every penny earned toward food. However, this actually isn’t the case -- across the thirteen countries studied, food only accounted for 56% to 78% of the budget.

So what do the poor spend money on instead? Surprisingly, spending on education is very low -- typically about 2% of budgets. This is mostly because governments provide free schooling. In every country sampled except Cote d’Ivoire, at least 50% of boys and girls aged 7 to 12 were in school. Unfortunately, there’s mounting evidence that the state funded schools aren’t that good.

A lot of spending varies region to region, but a typical extremely poor person spends about 4.1% to 8.1% of their budget on tobacco and alcohol. Furthermore, in every region except South America, around 10% of the budget was devoted to festivals, like weddings, funerals, or religious celebrations.

Why would the poor spend money on entertainment at the cost of more essential items? One possibility is that more food wouldn’t help, because they would just end up getting weak from contracting disease later on.

Another possibility is that entertainment is a strongly felt need that provides an escape from thinking about economic problems. Festivals and similar events also contribute to social bonds that are very important to everyone, but particularly those in poverty who live in riskier environments and more frequently require support from their connections to deal with financial or other difficulties.

Even among the extremely poor, above 70% of households in South Africa and Peru owned a radio (though only 11% of the poor in Udaipur had a radio). Furthermore, while no one in Udaipur had a television, in Guatemala, nearly a quarter of households had a television and in Nicaragua almost half of the households did.

The poor generally don’t own many productive assets, but some do have some land. While only 1.4% of the poor in South Africa and 4% of the poor in Mexico own land, 65% of the poor in Guatemala, 85% of the poor in Panama, and 99% of the poor in Udaipur have land. Unfortunately, most of this land is dry scrubland that cannot be used for agriculture throughout most of the year. Furthermore, it’s not much land -- a typical household’s plot, if they have land at all, is about one hectare (100m x 100m or 2.4 acres), which is small for a farm.

Other goods that could be used for productivity are in short supply. In nearly all the areas surveyed, less than 14% of poor households owned a bicycle. Less than 1% of poor households had sewing machines, bullock cart, motorized cycle, or tractor. Houses are also pretty sparse. Banerjee and Duflo’s data showed that while most households had at least one bed or cot, only 10% had a chair or stool and only 5% had a table. However, GiveWell’s site visit of Give Directly’s targeted areas in Kenya showed that living rooms they saw typically had many chairs, tables, and couches and that most homes owned a bicycle, but few houses had radios or television.

A bycicle owned by an extremely poor person in Kenya.

The poor also tend to lack access to basic infrastructure, but it is highly variable. Access to water varies from a minimum of 0% in Udaipar to 36% in Guatemala. Electricity varies from 1.3% in Tanzania to 99% in Mexico. Access to toilets range from 0% in Udaipur to 100% in Nicaragua. Moreover, infrastructure doesn’t always appear together. While 97% of poor households in Indonesia have electricity, only 6% have tap water.

GiveWell anecdotally noted that of the fifteen households they visited, most homes had three rooms -- a sitting room, bedroom, and storage room -- varying in size from 10’x12’ to 12’x20’ each. Generally, the husband and wife would sleep in the bedroom and the children would often sleep in the storage room. Houses frequently would have a separate kitchen structure.

GiveWell also observed that people would hang old calendars (like from 2003) for decoration and used kerosene lamps for light because there was no electricity. They also heard that people walk about 5-20 minutes daily to obtain drinking water. Furthermore, they observed people owning about 1-2 cows and 4-5 chickens for livestock.

All pictures are from GiveWell’s site visit to Kenya for Give Directly.

How do the extremely poor live?

This post is the first in a series of three on the lifestyle of a people living in extreme poverty. It was originally published on Peter's blog, 

We know that the extremely poor are living on less than what $1.25 a day could buy in the United States. But this seems implausible. Wouldn’t someone with that little money just end up dying of starvation very quickly? Simulations like the 

 can only go so far. It’s difficult to understand what it’s like to be that poor.

However, it’s now becoming a bit easier to understand. Abhijit V. Banerjee and Esther Duflo, authors of the popular book 

Poor Economics: A Radical Rethinking of the Way to Fight Global Poverty

The Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab

. Using survey data from thirteen different countries, Banerjee and Duflo are able to tell the tale of life as a poor person.

The typical extremely poor household tends to be much larger than a US family. The extremely poor households have a median of 8 people living in them, compared to 2.5 in the US. However, it’s not typically a couple with many children like one might expect -- there actually is a median of 3 adults in a household. This suggests a family structure where people live with their parents, siblings, uncles, cousins, etc., which makes sense given it is easier to pool resources when you are sharing a space.

However, poor households do have more children than US households, having about 3 children per woman of child-bearing age, as compared to 1.9 in the US or 1.6 in Europe. The population of extremely poor areas is also very young in general. While the US has about one young person (age below 18) for every old person (age above 51), extremely poor areas have a median of six young people for every adult person.

This helps to explain why interventions targeted on children, such as school deworming, can have a large impact on the future of these countries - most of the population is young. It also helps to explain higher rates of violence or political instability in poor countries, as violence everywhere is overwhelmingly committed by young men according to Steven Pinker’s 

One of the most common traits of being extremely poor is weakness and disease. Because of low food consumption and poor nutrition, 65% of the poor in Udaipur, India (the area with the best data) are underweight.

43% of the adults report having difficulty with "activities of daily living", and this includes 34% of adults under 50. Furthermore, 55% of the poor have an insufficient red blood cell count (anaemia). In the last month, 72% of the poor in Udaipur reported at least one symptom of a disease and 46% of the poor reported seeing a doctor because of a disease.

Despite constant sickness, self-reported levels of health and happiness are not particularly low, but self-reported levels of stress (both financial and psychological) are very high.

Furthermore, infant mortality is still high. Surveys have asked women about the outcomes of their pregnancies, including whether the child is still alive. Infant mortality is the number of children who die before reaching their first birthday, as a percentage of the number of live births. Among the poor, this number is at a low of 3.4% in Indonesia and a high of 16.7% in Pakistan, compared to 0.5% in Europe. Notably, these numbers are likely to be underestimates because not all children are remembered, especially if they die very early.

The typical poor person could spend about 30% more on food if they wanted to, cutting out all other spending and all savings. Also, the poor don’t buy food optimally. The cheapest way to eat, in terms of calories per dollar, would be to buy the grain ‘millet’. However, only about two-thirds of food spending was on millets, with another 20% on rice (which costs about twice as much per calorie), another 10% on wheat (70% more expensive than millets per calorie), and almost 7% on sugar (which is the most expensive per calorie and has no other nutritional value).

Despite having more ability to buy food, the poor don’t eat much -- the households in the bottom 10% of per capita expenditure consume less than 1400 calories a day on average, which is about half of what is recommended for a man with moderate activity, or a woman with heavy physical activity.

Furthermore, going without food is quite common. In Udaipur, 45% of poor households reported adults cutting the size of their meal and 12% of households reported children having to cut the size of their meal as well. In addition, 37% of poor households in Udaipur reported going without a meal for an entire day within the last year.

, one of GiveWell’s top charities that gives cash transfers to the extremely poor, 

 in their target area of Kenya, “well over half of adults skip meals, less than half of household members eat until they are content, people commonly go to sleep hungry, and a paltry 18% report having enough food for tomorrow”.

One type of food that is frequently bought in South India is a dosa, or a rice and beans pancake that almost everyone eats for breakfast. This can be bought frequently for a rupee, which is approximately 15 US cents (PPP adjusted).

All pictures are from GiveWell’s site visit to Kenya for Give Directly, used with permission from Elie Hassenfeld.

Stephanie Crampin

Struggle for survival

On the 16th July in London, Giving What We Can will be co-hosting an event "Struggle for Survival" with 

. This is a chance for interested people to experience a little of what it's like to experience some of the challenges faced, and choices made by those living in extreme poverty. The event has been put on at the World Economic Forum, with the aim of getting businesses to get them to do more for the communities where they are based.

. One of our members, Jacob Williamson has attended the last such event we put on, and to give you an idea of what it's like, here is his recollection of what happened:

"I took part in a poverty simulation event organised by Global Hand this evening. I think the offer reached my inbox through the Giving What We Can mailing list, and little detail was given in advance other than beaming endorsements from Ban Ki-Moon and Richard Branson. It seems these folks shook up Davos slightly by attempting to demonstrate to millionaires how the Bottom Billion get by.

"There are, of course, inevitable limits to the realism any such project could achieve. It certainly seems a stretch to think people will immediately imagine anything resembling despair or degradation – nevermind hunger – when the tasks at hand are made into practical, competitive games. It seems to me that the project is instead still promising for different reasons. It is plausible that by learning the facts about the obscenely scarce economic conditions so many people must operate in by playing them out first-hand, people will process and appreciate them more.

"There just is a real sense in which when we’re supplied with photos of people living this in a certain lifestyle and struggling to achieve certain goals, actually proceeding to simulate such goals and actions yourelf, and see how little they go to succeeding in the context of the game – that does bring things to life in a way simply reading such facts might not. So the groundwork for achieving empathy later might be laid, rather than that emotion actually arriving in the course of the experience.

"Supplement it with sufficient information of the kind Giving What We Can tends to provide, not only about how comparatively rich we all are, but also just how much good as individuals we can do, and there could be potential for persuasion there."

Emma Howard

A first glance at Development Media International

The literature on economic development has begun to study the potential for mass media in development (Roy, 2014). Information can support citizens to make more informed decisions in many areas of their lives, including health and politics. However, research shows that changing attitudes and knowledge does not necessarily translate into the desired behaviour changes (Nag, 2011). Any successful development media campaign will need to overcome barriers to impact, such as a failure to understand the underlying reasons for existing practices.

 is attempting to realise the potential of mass media to 

 in useful ways in the developing world. DMI is a UK-based NGO that delivers radio and TV campaigns in the developing world (see more 

, with plans to reach 10 African countries. DMI’s current focus is reducing child mortality and morbidity in children under five. The reason for this focus is that the majority of child deaths in this age bracket are the result of a lack of basic practices such as early breastfeeding or diarrhoeal treatment.

In conjunction with the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine (LSHTM), DMI is the first organisation to combine mass media campaigns with scientific modelling to predict health outcomes. Initial estimates from such modelling predict a potential 10-16% reduction in child mortality, at an estimated cost of $60-$300 per life saved, potentially making this the most effective lifesaving intervention available. According to the 

, 6.9 million children under 5 perish each year as a result of the issues DMI is addressing. Assuming a high coverage rate, and given the estimated cost-effectiveness of this project, DMI’s potential annual impact on child mortality is striking. Of course we should be cautious about such estimates, but they do justify further investigation.

DMI has designed its campaigns to address 3 key main aims concerned with:

Behaviour change to save the most lives in a given country and context;

Tackling key barriers such as cultural norms and religious beliefs that commonly impede behavioural change;

Reaching the largest number of people in the most effective way based on carefully selected media partnerships, demographic profiles, geographical locations and language preferences of their target audience at the most effective times of day over a sustained period.

Whilst child survival remains the main focus of DMI, DMI is also targeting a range of other related 

 issues such as sexual and reproductive health, nutrition, hygiene, environmental health and both communicable and non-communicable diseases. This puts them in a good position to make an impact on four of the eight Millennium Development Goals, improving gender equality, child survival, maternal health, and HIV/Aids and malaria.

 frequently attributed to existing studies in development media by conducting a randomised controlled trial of one of their radio health projects in Burkina Faso to evidence their impact. They have attracted the attention of GiveWell, who have described the preliminary results from their trial 

. Although preliminary midline results from a randomized controlled trial appear promising, GiveWell expects to conduct a more thorough evaluation of DMI this year, and will withhold judgement until this is complete.

Using research gathered, DMI have found that their target audiences are most likely to have access to and actively listen to the radio as opposed to the television. In Uganda, as many as 74% of the population listen to the radio at least weekly, compared with only 11% watching television in the same period. Audiences are most receptive to emotionally evocative stories rooted in everyday life delivered in a narrative form. Using a 3-part dramatic structure delivered in the local language, DMI uses the power and perseveration of emotional responses on memory to enact behaviour change in its audience. This 3-part structure lends itself to the intentions of behaviour change, as the dramatic character is forced to overcome an obstacle through behaviour change before he/she can achieve resolution.

The countries chosen for DMI’s current campaigns have been designed to achieve maximum efficacy, by combining those countries with high maternal and child mortality rates that also stand to benefit most from mass media intervention due to average to high media penetration. 

 is implemented “at three levels: in households, in the wider community, and in people’s use of health facilities and services”.

The versatility of DMI’s story development enables multiple interconnected health issues to be addressed, leading to improved health outcomes not necessarily restricted to any one domain. For example, campaigns centred around child health can also serve to reduce neonatal mortality, maternal health, hygiene and nutrition via the promotion of health facilities to give birth or monitor pregnancy. Rather than diluting the focus of a given intervention, evidence suggests that there is only a small reduction of impact on each issue, and because adding another issue to an existing campaign only fractionally increases the cost, the cost-effectiveness is much greater.

In conclusion, a preliminary examination of DMI shows promising results in the development and delivery of mass media public health interventions towards reducing child mortality, morbidity and maternal health via an extremely cost effective medium. It remains to be seen whether the initial results of DMI’s study are statistically significant at closer examination, as the self-reported nature of the initial assessment has raised 

 concern. Development Media International aims to address these concerns in their later endline study results, which will specifically measure child mortality statistics as opposed to subjective self reports. You can expect a later blog post from us reporting on these findings, but so far we are excited by the efforts of DMI in targeting hard-to-reach audiences in a cost-effective way, as well as their unique potential to effect behaviour change on a population level.

If mass media interventions prove socially desirable merit goods in the development process, then a strong case should be made for their wide diffusion among the populace in order to reach the most technologically alienated audiences (Nag, 2011). If they are to act as tools of social inclusion, economic opportunity and empowerment, targeted efforts need to be made to provide access to content, opportunities and tools geared towards the priority needs of a given community. On a broader level, both governmental and non governmental organisations should form a collaborative effort towards the provision of technology to safeguard against the marginalisation of traditionally excluded and disadvantaged groups from effective public health campaigns, such as those employed by DMI (Nag, 2011).

Nag, B. (2011). Mass Media and ICT in Development Communication: Comparison & Convergence. 

Roy, S. (2011). Media Development and Political Stability: An Analysis of Sub-Saharan Africa. 

. MediaMapResource. org (Accessed May 25, 2014).