The Good News!
The UK Department for International Development (DfID) is honouring its commitment to increase aid spending to 0.7% of GDP by 2013. And it will fund the Schistosomiasis Control Initiative (SCI) with $25 million over the next five years. SCI is one of Giving What We Can’s top rated charities, with one year of preventative treatment for Schistosomiasis (’bilharzia’) costing just 50p. Development Secretary Andrew Mitchell highlights that this makes SCI’s work not only hugely cost-effective for healthcare, but also one of the most powerful ways to keep children in school:
Education is one of the best routes out of poverty, yet millions of children are unable to fully benefit from attending school because they are weakened by these diseases.
British aid will provide up to 75 million lifesaving treatments - ensuring that ill health doesn’t stop millions of the most vulnerable children getting a basic education and breaking the cycle of extreme poverty.
It’s a very positive sign that the British government are taking cost-effectiveness in development aid seriously. See here for the Guardian’s report on DfID’s pledge.
The Bad News.
DfID is, at the same time, doubling the amount of aid it channels to conflict-ridden states. This aid will now take up a third of all UK aid spending (previously, it was one quarter). Many working in the international development sector are angered by this militarisation of aid. Save the Children’s Patrick Watt asked:
“What is the real driver of aid allocation? Is it poverty, is it need and the ability to use money effectively or is it the agenda of the National Security Council? We do need to have a balanced approach to aid allocation that reflects the principles of the 2002 International Development Act which stipulates that all aid should be for poverty reduction.
“…[T]he countries that will lose out will be poor but stable countries like Ghana or Tanzania… You will end up in a slightly perverse situation, if we’re not careful, where countries with a lot of poor people that happen not to be on the geopolitical radar are losing out.”
Joan Ruddock MP also pressed David Cameron on the change, arguing that:
“I have always supported the case for greater conflict prevention. But conflict prevention needs to be understood and practised by the military themselves.”
David Cameron defended the switch against this charge, saying, “we’re mad if we don’t put money into mending broken states where so many of the problems of poverty come from.”
See here for the Guardian’s article into this ‘militarisation’ of aid.
Furthermore, the increase in aid will only begin in four years’ time. For millions of people, four years from now will be too late for them to receive life-saving medicine, get an education, receive adequate nutrition in early childhood… There are further fears, too:
the budget will stay fairly flat in the first three years of the review, and then jump by 28% in the fourth year. One expert said: “That is such an enormous jump, you have to question whether they seriously mean to do it.”
There are also fears about the impact of DfID cutting admin spending from £72m to £34m. The Guardian reports:
“There’s a danger of falling for the mythology of faceless bureaucrats in London, as if there are lots of people doing nothing very useful,” said a former senior diplomat.
“For example, a report comes in on human rights abuse and it sits in an in-tray because there’s not enough staff with quality time to sort out priorities and send the right stuff up to ministers in timely fashion, for decision and action. I’ve seen that sort of thing happen even on present staffing, so there are risks in cutting too hard.”
See here for the Guardian’s excellent article -which paints the new aid budget as moving Britain to a ’soft-power’ rather than ‘hard-power’ nation- from which those last quotes were taken.